Lieutenant General Sanjeev Sharma, General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the Vajra Corps, conducted a thorough review of the operational and administrative preparedness of the Golden Arrow Division in Punjab. The visit highlighted the Indian Army’s ongoing commitment to strengthening regional defense amid evolving security dynamics.
The GOC commended the division’s exceptional role during Operation Sindoor, launched on May 6, 2025, in response to the Pahalgam terror attack that claimed 26 lives. The precision operation targeted nine terrorist camps across Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK), representing a significant escalation in India’s counter-terror approach. During his review, Lt Gen Sharma stressed the importance of integrating advanced technologies, including artificial intelligence and cyber capabilities, to build a future-ready force.
Headquartered in Jalandhar under the Western Command, the Vajra Corps was established in 1950 with the mission of protecting Punjab from emerging threats. The corps’ name and emblem are drawn from the Vajra, the mythological thunderbolt of Lord Indra crafted from sage Dadhichi’s thighbone, symbolizing strength and sacrifice. This legacy continues to inspire its operational ethos.
The review also spotlighted the symbolic significance of Operation Sindoor. The mission’s logo, designed by Lt Col Harsh Gupta and Havildar Surinder Singh, reflects themes of justice and resilience, as featured in the latest edition of the Indian Army’s Baatcheet magazine.
Defense analysts have noted that the emphasis on technology aligns with the armed forces’ broader modernization efforts initiated since 2020. These initiatives aim to enhance responsiveness, precision, and deterrence capabilities across India’s military commands. Local leaders in Punjab have welcomed the army’s proactive stance, viewing it as vital to maintaining peace and stability in the border state.
Lt Gen Sharma’s visit included briefings, interactions with troops, and assessments of operational readiness, reaffirming confidence in the Golden Arrow Division’s ability to respond effectively to emerging threats. As tensions remain high along the borders, the Vajra Corps continues to play a critical role in securing India’s western front with a blend of traditional valor and modern warfare strategy.
SpaceX’s Starlink – a constellation of low-orbit broadband satellites – has won a key Indian license, clearing a major hurdle to launching services in the world’s second-largest internet market. Starlink consists of thousands of small satellites beaming high-speed, low-latency internet to ground receivers. The recent Department of Telecommunications (DoT) license (a GMPCS authorisation) means Starlink can now prepare its ground infrastructure and secure spectrum to offer broadband in India. This matters because India’s massive but unevenly connected population – now ~954 million internet users – still sees huge gaps in rural access. Only about 398 million of those users are in rural areas, and fixed broadband lines number only ~41 million (versus 904 million mobile users). In short, many millions – from farmers to mountaineers – rely on flaky wireless links. A satellite ISP like Starlink could transform connectivity where fiber or towers can’t reach.
Starlink is SpaceX’s satellite internet service. It now operates nearly 7,000 small satellites (planned to reach tens of thousands) in low Earth orbit. Each satellite relays user data between dish terminals on the ground and the internet backbone. Globally, Starlink already serves roughly 4.6 million subscribers as of 2024, offering download speeds of 50–200 Mbps in many locations. Its appeal has been proven in crises: for example, Starlink became “the backbone of the Ukrainian army” during Russia’s invasion, and it has helped restore service after natural disasters. The DoT license news means SpaceX can commercially launch Starlink in India. Reuters notes Starlink is the “third company” (after OneWeb/Eutelsat and Reliance Jio’s satellite venture) to get such DoT approval. The Indian license follows a Letter of Intent issued in May 2025 and comes after months of government review of Starlink’s security and investment plans. It signals that regulators have accepted SpaceX’s commitments (such as data localization, lawful interception, and local hardware inspection) that were negotiated over the past year.
Source: Dgtl Infra
India’s Digital Landscape: Challenges and Gaps
India has dramatically expanded Internet access in recent years – about 95% of villages now have 3G/4G mobile coverage. By March 2024, India had 954.4 million total Internet subscribers, including 398.35 million rural users. The government’s BharatNet program has laid fiber to roughly 213,000 of 222,000 planned village hubs, connecting most Gram Panchayats by optical cable. Yet despite this progress, broadband penetration remains low outside cities. There are only ~41 million fixed broadband lines in the country – dwarfed by 904 million wireless connections. As the Atlantic Council notes, India’s economy is essentially “mobile-first”, with vast rural areas lacking high-speed wired broadband. Many connected homes and businesses still struggle with slow speeds, spotty signals, or expensive satellite TV hookups as their only option. In short, a huge “last-mile” gap persists in India’s network: remote valleys, mountains, islands and forests are still offline or on slow mobile links. This connectivity challenge – compounded by tough terrain and electrification gaps – is exactly the market Starlink aims to serve.
Potential Impact: Education, Health, Defense and Emergency Use
With its tall coverage footprint, Starlink could unlock many sectors:
Education & Telemedicine: Reliable satellite broadband can bring online learning and virtual clinics to village schools and health centers. Experts say Starlink “can enable access to online education, telemedicine and e-commerce” for remote communities. Teachers could livestream classes and students could tap global resources via video calls; doctors could run remote diagnostics and training. This especially helps regions where digital devices exist but network bandwidth is missing.
Local Economic Development: Fast internet enables e-commerce, mobile banking and digital services in areas previously cut off. Economist Ramesh Gupta notes “access to high-speed internet can be a game changer for rural economies”. Artisans, farmers and small entrepreneurs could sell products online, access market prices and digital payments, helping lift incomes and create jobs. Broadband also attracts new businesses (e.g. tech-enabled agriculture, tourism lodges) to villages.
Government Services: Satellite links could power digital government initiatives (e-governance kiosks, online banking, welfare schemes) in places without reliable cellular coverage. For example, district offices or emergency services on high plateaus could offer 24×7 connectivity via Starlink.
Defense and Border Connectivity: India’s military doctrine calls space communications a “force multiplier”. Starlink could provide secure voice/data links to remote army posts in the Himalayas, Andaman Islands or patrolled deserts – areas where laying cables or erecting towers is impractical. In Operation Shakti (2019), India tested anti-satellite weapons partly to protect its space systems – signals of how vital space connectivity is seen for security. Conversely, authorities worry that satellites could bypass their controls: in late 2024, Indian forces found Starlink dish units reportedly smuggled by militants in Manipur and by drug traffickers at sea, prompting scrutiny over “any satellite internet near sensitive borders.”
Emergency & Disaster Response: Starlink’s terminals can be quickly deployed in natural disasters (floods, cyclones, earthquakes) when terrestrial networks fail. The service has already been donated for disaster relief in places like Papua New Guinea and the Philippines. In India, officials envision Starlink aiding cyclone relief in the Bay of Bengal or communications in earthquake-hit Himalayas, as “critical communication infrastructure during emergencies”.
Overall, telecom analysts and officials believe satellite broadband will “bridge the last-mile connectivity gap”. Communications Minister Scindia observes that “in regions where no telecom tower can reach … satellite is the only option”. Adding Starlink gives more tools – not less – for national connectivity. For example, Railways Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw even welcomed Starlink on X/Twitter, noting it will benefit remote rail projects and tribal communities along tracks
The Satellite Internet Race: Competitors and Partners
Starlink is entering a market already heating up. India’s top telcos and space agencies are racing to launch their own services:
Reliance Jio (JioSpaceFiber): Jio Platforms formed a joint venture with Luxembourg’s satellite firm SES to use SES’s medium-earth-orbit satellites. Called JioSpaceFiber, this service is targeting gigabit broadband in hard-to-reach areas. Jio has already demonstrated the service in forests and islands (Gir, Korba, Nabarangpur, Jorhat) with “gigabit speeds”. Their first gateway was approved by IN-SPACe in 2024.
Bharti Airtel–OneWeb (Hughes India JV): Bharti already co-owns UK-based OneWeb (LEO satellites) through a JV called OneWeb India, and has a distribution deal with Hughes Communications India. OneWeb’s network (launched globally in 2023) will serve India via Aerobridge satellites. Airtel and Hughes plan to offer community Wi-Fi and enterprise broadband for villages, businesses and defense. In fact, Hughes India notes its 2022 launch of India’s first high-throughput satellite (HTS) service – using ISRO’s GSAT-11 and GSAT-29 – already delivers multi-megabit broadband to “the remotest locations”. This example shows ISRO and industry backing satellite access.
State Space Efforts (NSIL/ISRO): India’s commercial arm NSIL is launching new geostationary satellites (like GSAT-N2 in 2024) to boost rural broadband and in-flight connectivity. While not consumer-facing like Starlink, these state satellites form backup infrastructure for telcos and government users.
Hughes Networks India: Hughes – which built OneWeb’s India system – also provides VSAT services via leased satellite bandwidth. It already connects hundreds of thousands of Indian business and government sites with satellite links. Hughes’ 2022 HTS service (mentioned above) was aimed at public Wi-Fi and enterprise hotspots, showing how existing players are expanding.
Outside India, global satellite ISPs also eye the market. Amazon’s Project Kuiper plans a mega-constellation and has said it will invest ~$10 billion globally. Reuters notes Kuiper is “still awaiting a licence” in India. Its entry could further increase competition (analysts predict India’s satellite broadband market could reach ~$1.9 billion by 2030). In summary, Starlink enters a field with heavyweights: the homegrown Jio–SES and Airtel–OneWeb ventures, Hughes’ offerings, and potential Kuiper, plus future Indian private constellations (e.g. privately-led nanosatellite networks under IN-SPACe’s vision). Each competitor has different tech (LEO vs MEO/GEO) and partnerships, meaning Starlink won’t dominate by default – it must win customers on service and price.
Regulatory and Other Hurdles Ahead
Starlink’s India debut will not be smooth sailing. Significant challenges include:
Strict Licensing Conditions: The Indian licence comes with tight security rules. For example, providers must enforce a “geo-fence” that blocks terminals near international borders (initially proposed at 10 km outside, relaxed to 50 km inside), and enable on-demand interception of traffic. They must localize servers, allow real-time tracking, and even plan for some local manufacturing of user terminals. These requirements are more onerous than in many countries. SpaceX has publicly argued that some rules (like the border eavesdropping clause) are impractical. Indian officials eventually eased a 10 km exclusion to 50 km inside the border and removed a forced Indian-majority-ownership rule – but data residency and compliance checks remain mandatory.
Spectrum and Infrastructure: Unlike 5G spectrum auctions, India is using administrative allocation for Satcom spectrum. Incumbent telcos (Reliance Jio, Airtel) objected that satellite players pay only 4% of revenue as license fee (versus 21% for radio spectrum). They fear unfair pricing, and some have publicly lobbied for auctions. The final TRAI spectrum policy is pending; current recommendations include 4% AGR charges and per-user surcharges. Until actual frequency blocks and ground gateways are granted, Starlink cannot start services. Building dozens of gateway stations across India (and importing/making thousands of user dishes) is a major logistical task.
Equipment Costs: Starlink’s technology is advanced but not cheap. Globally, a user kit costs several hundred dollars (roughly ₹30,000–40,000) and monthly plans run $100–$120. That may be steep for rural Indians, even with discounting. Reports suggest SpaceX may offer introductory plans as low as ₹840 ($10) per month to gain early adopters. It remains to be seen if Indian pricing can match ultralow-cost mobile broadband, which rivals often boast is among the world’s cheapest (less than $1 per GB).
Competition from Mobile Broadband: Basic internet on mobile phones is already very cheap in India. Many analysts note that basic data needs (social media, calls) are met with 4G/5G coverage in many villages. Convincing users to buy new hardware for “home broadband” may be a hard sell unless speeds or latency are dramatically better. Established satellite VSAT services (Hughes, Octagon) already cover government and enterprise with specialized equipment, but consumer penetration is negligible. Starlink will have to build demand by proving its advantages.
Geopolitical and Security Concerns: Some observers warn that heavy reliance on a U.S.-controlled constellation could raise sovereignty and security questions. India has historically restricted satellite phones and encryption in sensitive regions. As noted, Indian forces have already confiscated Starlink units during counter-insurgency and anti-smuggling ops. While SpaceX says it “turned off” beams over India at those times, the incidents underscore worries that adversaries (or even citizens) could use unmonitored channels. In response, New Delhi will insist on its surveillance rules being enforced.
In short, Starlink must navigate India’s unique regulatory and market landscape. Telecom experts from incumbent firms warn of a “front-loaded investment” for satellite ISPs (cost of satellites and launch) and cite new license fees that will raise prices. On the positive side, the government has signaled willingness to adapt norms (it lifted the foreign-ownership barrier and is setting dedicated satcom rules). But as one source put it, obtaining final space-licence clearance and spectrum could take “a couple of months at least,” and only then can sales begin.
Will the Recent Trump–Musk Conflict Change Starlink’s Role in India?
India’s recent decision to grant Starlink a license to offer satellite communication services marks a turning point in its digital and connectivity ambitions — especially for remote and underserved areas. However, the timing of this approval coincides with growing tensions between Elon Musk and former US President Donald Trump, raising important strategic questions.
While the dispute may seem personal or domestic to the US, it has geopolitical implications. If Musk’s companies, including Starlink, come under political pressure in the US, their global operations — including in India — could face policy volatility. For instance, a future Trump-led administration may adopt a stricter or unpredictable stance towards companies like SpaceX, potentially affecting technology transfers, regulatory support, or global expansion plans.
For India, which is relying on Starlink to bridge the rural–urban digital divide, this creates a dilemma: Can it afford to depend on a foreign private player entangled in US political turbulence for critical communication infrastructure? Especially as satellite internet becomes central not just to civilian life but also disaster response, defense connectivity, and strategic autonomy.
In response, India might accelerate development of its indigenous alternatives like ISRO’s GSAT constellation, NavIC, or even back OneWeb (with Bharti Global as a key stakeholder) to ensure redundancy and national security insulation — especially if Starlink becomes a pawn in global tech geopolitics.
Industry voices are mixed. Communications Minister Jyotiraditya Scindia is bullish: he says Starlink’s Letter of Intent is issued and the licence process “is almost complete”. Scindia emphasizes that satellite internet will “bridge India’s last-mile gap”, especially in places where “no telecom tower can reach”. He frames it as giving “consumer choice” – not displacing fiber or 5G, but adding an alternative. Similarly, tech ministers have publicly welcomed Starlink’s arrival. For instance, Railways Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw posted “Starlink, welcome to India!” noting its usefulness for remote projects. Development analysts also applaud the move: one telecom analyst calls the government’s “proactive stance” on satellite broadband “commendable” for addressing connectivity gaps.
On the other hand, domestic operators are wary. The Cellular Operators’ Association of India (COAI) – whose members include Reliance Jio and Airtel – recently petitioned TRAI arguing that satcom licence fees (4% of revenue plus small spectrum charges) are too low, and that fair play requires parity with 5G spectrum fees. COAI fears that ultra-cheap satellite plans could undercut their massive fiber and tower investments. Even Jio and Airtel themselves, who have deals to sell Starlink terminals in their stores, will also compete with it in broadband offerings. In sum, experts note the market could become fiercely competitive. A report predicts India’s sat-broadband market hitting ~$1.9 billion by 2030, making it lucrative – but only if pricing and services match local needs.
Strategic and Geopolitical Implications
The Starlink case is as much about geopolitics as tech. India has long championed strategic autonomy in space (building its own satellites, launching others’ payloads, and even developing anti-satellite missiles). Yet its recent policies show closer alignment with the U.S. space industry. Think-tank analysts note India is “embracing commercialization and privatization of space, aligning itself with the U.S. and other major space powers” while still tightly regulating foreign firms. Starlink’s entry – occurring just after PM Modi’s high-profile U.S. visit with Elon Musk – fits this pattern. It underscores deepening US–India tech ties: in 2021 the Quad group (U.S., India, Japan, Australia) even launched a space cooperation working group for shared satellite data and standards. The CFR’s space policy memo observes that deals like these (Starlink with Jio/Airtel) are happening under “New Delhi’s terms,” reflecting a hybrid approach of opening markets under strict oversight.
For India’s military planners, having a trusted U.S. partner in orbit may also help counter regional adversaries. Chinese satellite providers (through Huawei/AsiaSat) and Russian links have dominated Asian telecom; a robust Starlink network would give India alternative secure channels near the Sino-Indian and Pak-Afghan borders. In the Doklam or Galwan regions, for instance, if terrestrial infrastructure is limited or cut off, Starlink could maintain line-of-sight comms. That, however, depends on security rules allowing terminals in those zones – which is why initial draft rules actually restricted coverage near borders.
On diplomacy, Starlink ties into wider “space-tech diplomacy.” India has used satellites to build alliances (the South Asia Satellite project for neighbors, proposals for G20 climate satellites). Allowing a high-profile American satellite venture to operate could signal to partners (and rivals) that India’s space market is open and U.S.-India cooperation is strong. But some critics worry about dependency: The Diplomat warns of an “uncritical reliance on U.S. tech” potentially undermining India’s own technological goals. The balanced view is: India seeks to be a global space partner for others, building systems to serve the Global South, but it will do so on its own regulatory terms. In the near term, hosting Starlink operations demonstrates India’s growing role in space governance (it already co-chairs UN working groups on space sustainability) and its readiness to welcome transnational tech – albeit cautiously.
Looking Ahead: Rollout, Pricing, and the Road to Service
With the licence now in hand, what comes next for Starlink India? First, SpaceX must obtain final approval from IN-SPACe (India’s new space regulator) to land its satellites’ signals into the country. Then it will undergo spectrum tests – several other providers (like OneWeb and Jio) have already been granted trial frequencies on a limited basis. Industry sources tell TechCrunch that from this point “official rollout” might take another 6–9 months. In practice, that means Starlink could feasibly start selling user terminals by late 2025 or early 2026, assuming no further delays.
SpaceX has not announced pricing for India’s market, but reports suggest aggressive rates. In Bangladesh Starlink hardware sells for ~$385 (BDT 47,000) with service ~$49–$110 per month. A recent media report claims Starlink plans “unlimited” broadband in India for about ₹840/month (≈$10) – a figure that would undercut current offerings by a wide margin. Even if subsidies or contracts bring the initial hardware cost down, local regulatory fees (TRAI’s recommended ₹500/user fee in cities and 4% revenue share) could push prices up. How Starlink chooses to price its kits and plans will be critical.
In terms of partnerships, we already know Jio and Airtel intend to stock and service Starlink equipment in their stores. If Starlink launches first, those stores could quickly gain retail footfall. Conversely, Starlink may seek tie-ups with the new BharatNet authority or local ISPs to plug into rural networks. Manufacturing wise, SpaceX might build some ground equipment in India (as INSAT ground stations and even user terminals can be assembled domestically under India’s rules). There is also talk of bundling Starlink with telecom plans, or using it for government projects (e.g. connecting railway sites or government schools in mountains).
Overall, analysts say the next year will be telling. If Starlink delivers as promised – robust speeds, easy installation, seamless handoff – it could rapidly sign up tens of millions of households in underserved regions. Even incumbent telcos like Airtel and Jio admit they “will still compete with Musk’s offerings” once it’s live. That points to a radically new broadband landscape: fibre, 5G, and satellites all vying side by side. The Indian government’s satellite push (BharatNet 2.0 and new ISRO projects) will proceed in parallel, but now consumers will indeed have a choice. As Communications Minister Scindia put it, this is about choice: “It is not about platform competition; it is about giving consumers a choice” in how they connect.
Conclusion: A Satellite Leap, with Limits
Starlink’s Indian debut is a milestone – a big step toward solving India’s persistent connectivity gaps. Its thousands of LEO satellites promise to beam broadband across deserts, forests and snowbound plateaus where wires never could go. If executed well, Starlink could supercharge digital education, healthcare and economy in remote India. However, its success will hinge on navigating India’s complex regulatory maze, localizing its operations, and offering affordable service. The on-ground rollout, partnerships and pricing strategies over the coming months will tell us how transformative Starlink truly is. For now, both enthusiasts and sceptics agree: India’s connectivity revolution just got a powerful new player, and the country is ready to watch closely as it unfolds.
A ₹5 packet of Parle-G, India’s most iconic and affordable biscuit, is being sold for a staggering ₹2,400 in Gaza. This isn’t just a tale of hyperinflation—it’s a chilling reflection of siege, scarcity, and survival under war.
A Biscuit Turned Luxury
Parle-G, launched in 1938, has long been a staple in Indian households—cheap, reliable, and universally loved. But in Gaza, this everyday snack has turned into a luxury item, its price inflated nearly 500 times over. Its presence in local markets tells a grim story of isolation, desperation, and economic collapse.
Since the Israel–Hamas conflict reignited in October 2023, and especially after a near-total blockade began in March 2025, Gaza has spiraled into a devastating humanitarian crisis. Over two million people are trapped with dwindling supplies of food, medicine, fuel, and clean water.
The World Health Organization has warned of an imminent famine. Children are dying from malnutrition, and more than half a million people are facing catastrophic hunger. Electricity is scarce, healthcare has collapsed, and humanitarian aid is either blocked or looted.
People in Gaza are starving and have nothing to eat, and when they do find some, prices have skyrocketed. The price of a bag of flour costs around 500 shekels ($150).
People have testified going up to 3 days without food. This footage shows hundreds in line for food in the… pic.twitter.com/8ZzcEytvj0
The astronomical price—approximately 100 Israeli shekels or approximately ₹2,400 —is a result of extreme scarcity and black-market exploitation. With Gaza’s borders sealed, commercial imports have vanished. What little enters—either via sporadic humanitarian convoys or underground smuggling—is quickly snapped up and resold at unbearable prices.
An NDTV report recounted how a father paid over ₹2,300 for a single Parle-G packet to comfort his child. Other essentials are equally expensive:
1 kg sugar: ₹4,914
1 litre cooking oil: ₹4,177
1 kg onions: ₹4,423
The Palestinian Consumer Price Index for April 2025 recorded a 91.61% rise in prices, with many food items doubling within a month.
A bag of flour in Gaza reaches 1,700 shekels ($500) amid worsening famine and Israeli blockade. pic.twitter.com/qDjXDPyJKD
For many in India, Parle-G represents comfort and childhood memories. In Gaza, it now stands for resilience and a yearning for normalcy. Social media is filled with heart-wrenching stories of parents spending their last savings just to give their children a familiar taste of happiness.
What is ordinary in India has become extraordinary in Gaza.
After a long wait, I finally got Ravif her favorite biscuits today. Even though the price jumped from €1.5 to over €24, I just couldn’t deny Rafif her favorite treat. pic.twitter.com/O1dbfWHVTF
— Mohammed jawad 🇵🇸 (@Mo7ammed_jawad6) June 1, 2025
India–Palestine Ties: A Humanitarian Bridge
India has historically supported the Palestinian cause—diplomatically, politically, and through humanitarian efforts. Products like Parle-G often reach Gaza via Egypt’s Rafah crossing as part of aid shipments. But in the current blockade, even such aid is rare. Many Indian-made goods that do enter either never reach civilians or are sold at exploitative prices.
Despite efforts by Indian NGOs and diaspora groups, aid access remains dangerously limited.
Siege Economy: Smuggling and Survival
With Gaza’s supply lines severed, an underground economy has taken root. Smuggled goods, stolen aid, and exorbitant resales define the siege economy. Essentials like baby formula, milk, medicine, and wheat flour have become unaffordable, pushing families to take desperate measures. A simple biscuit has become both a comfort and a currency.
Voices from a Starving Population
Testimonies from Gaza are sobering. Aid workers speak of children fainting from hunger, soup kitchens overrun, and parents boiling weeds to feed their families. In this environment, buying a ₹2,400 biscuit is not extravagance—it’s defiance against despair
Today, the last supplies were delivered to hot meal kitchens — Gaza’s only steady source of food for weeks. These kitchens will run out of ingredients in the coming days.
The Broader Picture: War and the Price of Normalcy
Gaza is not alone. In war-torn regions like Syria, Yemen, and Sudan, everyday goods have become unaffordable symbols of survival. War doesn’t just destroy cities—it warps economies, erases dignity, and makes the simple act of eating a biscuit an unaffordable dream.
Conclusion: A Biscuit as a Barometer of Crisis
Parle-G was once known for its slogan, “G for Genius.” In Gaza, it now stands for grit, grief, and the fragile hope that one day, peace will return, and a biscuit will once again be just a biscuit.
Its ₹2,400 price is not merely economic—it is a humanitarian red flag, a cry for open borders, sustained aid, and most importantly, a lasting ceasefire.
Elon Musk’s satellite internet venture, Starlink, has officially secured a licence from India’s Department of Telecommunications (DoT), clearing a major hurdle in its path to launching services in the country. The approval makes Starlink the third company after Eutelsat OneWeb and Jio Satellite Communications to receive such a licence, even as a fierce political spat unfolds between Musk and U.S. President Donald Trump.
DoT sources confirmed on June 6 that Starlink has received its licence and will be allocated trial spectrum within 15 to 20 days of submitting the formal application. This spectrum is necessary to test Starlink’s systems and ensure compliance with India’s rigorous surveillance and security norms.
The timing of the licence is notable, coming just hours after a public showdown between Musk and Trump. The disagreement turned bitter after Musk criticised Trump’s sweeping tax and spending bill. In response, Trump threatened to terminate U.S. government contracts with Musk’s companies, including SpaceX. Musk retaliated, claiming Trump “would have lost” the last election without his backing.
Despite the turmoil in Washington, Starlink’s India push continues. The satellite broadband firm has already signed strategic pacts with major Indian telecom operators like Reliance Jio and Bharti Airtel, who together dominate over 70% of India’s telecom market.
Starlink, developed by Musk’s aerospace company SpaceX, provides high-speed, low-latency internet through a constellation of over 7,000 low-Earth orbit (LEO) satellites — a number projected to exceed 40,000 in the coming years. Unlike conventional geostationary satellites, Starlink’s LEO network offers superior speeds and reliability, especially in remote or conflict-prone zones.
While the DoT’s licence marks a big step, Starlink still awaits final clearance from India’s space regulator, In-SPACe. Additionally, companies like Starlink must demonstrate full compliance with Indian security norms before rolling out services. This includes legal interception capabilities, local data processing, and the indigenisation of at least 20% of their satellite ground infrastructure.
India’s telecom regulator, TRAI, has also recommended spectrum charges of 4% of adjusted gross revenue (AGR) for satellite firms, a figure higher than what companies had lobbied for. An additional levy of ₹500 per urban subscriber annually has been proposed, though rural users are exempt from this surcharge.
The Cellular Operators Association of India (COAI), which represents terrestrial telecom giants like Jio and Airtel, has contested TRAI’s recommendations, arguing that satellite firms are being offered spectrum at disproportionately low rates. However, TRAI has rejected these objections and ruled out any review.
As regulatory and technical frameworks take shape, Starlink is poised to bring its space-based internet to Indian users — potentially transforming digital access in both rural and underserved regions.
In a surprising development that adds an international twist to a brewing domestic conflict in the United States, a top Russian lawmaker has said that Elon Musk could be granted political asylum in Russia if his feud with former US President Donald Trump intensifies.
Dmitry Novikov, First Deputy Chairman of the State Duma Committee on International Affairs and a member of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, floated the possibility during an interview with Russian state media. “I think that Musk has a completely different game, that he will not need any political asylum, although, if he did, Russia, of course, could provide it,” Novikov said, referencing the country’s past asylum offers to figures like Edward Snowden.
The comment came in the wake of an increasingly public war of words between Elon Musk and Donald Trump. The fallout escalated when former White House strategist Steve Bannon accused Musk of being “an illegal alien” and called for his deportation. Bannon also urged the US government to seize control of SpaceX under the Defence Production Act, citing national security concerns following Musk’s threat to shut down the Dragon spacecraft program, which ferries astronauts to the International Space Station.
Novikov noted that Musk’s political maneuvers over the years suggest that he is unlikely to seek asylum, but added that Russia would be willing to accommodate him if it ever came to that. “Individual disagreements will remain separate disagreements,” he said, adding that Musk is not aligned with the current Democratic administration and may have his own long-term strategic plans.
Meanwhile, the Kremlin has officially distanced itself from the controversy. Responding to media questions on Friday, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said, “This is a domestic issue of the United States, and we don’t intend to interfere. We’re confident the US President will handle this situation on his own.”
While the offer from Novikov is informal, it adds to the international spotlight on Musk’s increasingly turbulent relationship with US political figures. The billionaire’s influence, both in technology and public discourse, continues to stir reactions far beyond Silicon Valley—now even reaching into the Kremlin.
Havildar Sunil Kumar Yadav, a soldier hailing from Chausa village in Bihar’s Buxar district, has lost his life after battling for days in a military hospital. He was critically injured during a Pakistani drone attack that occurred after Operation Sindoor, and passed away on Wednesday despite extensive medical efforts.
Sunil was stationed in the Rajouri sector of Jammu & Kashmir when a Pakistani drone targeted his unit on the night of May 9. After initial treatment in Rajouri, his condition worsened and he was airlifted to the Army Hospital in Udhampur on May 15. Doctors fought to stabilize him, but his injuries proved fatal.
His death adds to the growing list of soldiers from Bihar who have paid the ultimate price during and after Operation Sindoor. The operation has been marked by frequent skirmishes, drone strikes, and militant encounters in the Union Territory.
Among the other martyrs from Bihar:
Mohammad Imtiaz, a BSF sub-inspector from Narayanpur in Saran district, died from injuries sustained in Pakistani firing. His funeral on May 12 drew thousands of mourners.
Rambabu, a soldier from Siwan district, was killed in action just three months after his wedding, leaving behind a young widow.
Sikandar Raut, a BSF jawan from Nalanda district, died during a gunfight in Kupwara after being transferred from Ranchi amid rising hostilities.
Santosh Yadav, a havildar from Bhagalpur, was martyred in a search operation in the Nowshera sector. His family was informed on May 20.
These sacrifices reflect the bravery and dedication of Bihar’s youth, many of whom serve on the most dangerous frontlines. As the state mourns another son lost in the line of duty, the nation salutes the courage and commitment of soldiers like Sunil Yadav who stand as sentinels of peace in times of conflict.
In a major move toward strengthening indigenous defense capabilities, the Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA) has approved the procurement of Canopy Severance System (CSS) hardware and raw materials from GOCL Hyderabad. This system will be deployed in India’s homegrown Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) Tejas and future fighter jet programs, marking a significant stride in the country’s self-reliance efforts under the Aatmanirbhar Bharat initiative.
#UPDATE | The Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA) has cleared procurement of Canopy Severance System (CSS) hardware & raw materials from GOCL Hyderabad for the LCA Tejas and upcoming fighter jet projects. pic.twitter.com/tmWSV8qzFb
The Canopy Severance System is a vital safety mechanism designed to instantly cut through the aircraft canopy using explosive energy, enabling the pilot to eject safely in emergencies. The LCA Tejas, which has been under development by ADA since the 1980s to replace the ageing MiG-21 fleet, already uses the CSS in early models such as TD-1 and PV-1. Combined with the Martin-Baker 16LG zero-zero ejection seat developed in collaboration with DRDO, the system ensures high safety standards for pilots during combat or technical failure.
This procurement reflects India’s push for indigenization in the defense sector amid increasing security challenges with neighboring countries like Pakistan and China. The strategic importance of reducing foreign dependency has become even more pressing with evolving regional dynamics and the need for rapid technological upgrades in air defense. The approval of the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) program in May 2025, which envisions a fifth-generation stealth fighter, is a parallel example of India’s ambitions to expand its indigenous airpower.
By sourcing CSS components from GOCL Hyderabad, the ADA is promoting the domestic production of critical defense equipment, which is expected to enhance manufacturing efficiency and operational readiness. The initiative also supports the Ministry of Defence’s target to induct 180 Tejas Mk 1A jets into the Indian Air Force over the next decade, further advancing the nation’s goal of becoming a defense manufacturing hub.
In a major success for security forces, top Naxal leader Bhaskar, carrying a combined bounty of Rs 45 lakh, was killed in an encounter in the Indravati National Park area of Bijapur district. The operation, involving the Special Task Force (STF), District Reserve Guard (DRG), and the CRPF’s CoBRA unit, is part of intensified efforts to dismantle Maoist activities in the region.
According to Inspector General of Police, Bastar Range Sundarraj, Bhaskar’s body was recovered after a fierce exchange of fire along with one AK-47 rifle, explosives, weapons, and ammunition. Preliminary identification confirms the deceased as Bhaskar, also known as Mailarapu Adellu, a special zonal committee member of the Telangana State Committee (TSC) of the outlawed Communist Party of India (Maoist).
Bhaskar, originally from Adilabad district in Telangana, served as the secretary of the Mancherial-Komarambheem division of the TSC. He carried a reward of Rs 25 lakh in Chhattisgarh and Rs 20 lakh in Telangana, making his elimination a significant blow to Maoist operations across state lines.
This encounter marks the third major achievement by security forces in the past two weeks amid an ongoing crackdown aimed at ending the Naxal menace by March 2026. Just a day prior, another senior Maoist leader, Narasimha Chalam alias Sudhakar, with a bounty of Rs 40 lakh, was killed in the same region. Sudhakar, originally from Andhra Pradesh, was notorious for indoctrinating youth and orchestrating deadly attacks against civilians and security personnel in Chhattisgarh.
Earlier on May 21, security forces neutralised the Communist Party of India (Maoist) general secretary, Nambala Keshav Rao alias Basavaraju, in Narayanpur, Bastar region. These successive operations underscore the government’s commitment to restoring peace and security in Naxal-affected areas through coordinated and sustained action.
A widely circulated Pakistani claim that India’s S-400 radar system at the Bhuj military base was destroyed during the May 2025 Indo-Pak conflict has been disproven through satellite imagery analysis. The image presented as proof of destruction was found to show only oil stains in a vehicle service yard, with the imagery predating the conflict by several months.
Open-source intelligence expert Damien Symon examined the satellite image dated February 24, 2025, and confirmed that the area was misidentified. The supposed damage corresponds to a regular maintenance zone with oil stains and parked general-purpose vehicles, negating assertions of a targeted strike on the high-value radar system.
An image is being circulated now as a Pakistan destroyed S-400 radar in India, a review however indicates it's likely just oil stains at Bhuj military base's vehicle service yard, also the image predates the recent Indo-Pak conflict as it was taken in February 2025 pic.twitter.com/Y850jfk4n9
This clarification follows India’s Operation Sindoor on May 10, 2025, when Indian airstrikes targeted Pakistani airbases in retaliation for terrorist attacks, significantly damaging Pakistani military infrastructure. Independent satellite data from Maxar Technologies verified the extent of damage at bases like Mushaf Airbase, including cratered runways and destroyed aircraft hangars, while Pakistan’s Civil Aviation Authority reported a suspension of flights due to runway damage.
Pakistan’s false claim fits a broader pattern of misinformation propagated by its military’s media wing, the Directorate General of Inter-Services Public Relations (DGISPR). Previous instances include circulating outdated images to exaggerate naval readiness and fabricating reports on the capture of Indian personnel, all later debunked.
The May 2025 conflict, which ended with a ceasefire after four days, saw both countries assert victories, but independent analyses emphasized India’s precision strikes and Pakistan’s reliance on misleading narratives to cover operational setbacks. The debunking of the S-400 radar destruction claim underscores the growing importance of satellite imagery and open-source intelligence in verifying facts amid modern warfare.
While Indian officials have not formally responded, this development is expected to further undermine Pakistan’s version of events and reinforce India’s transparency in documenting its military operations.
The Indian Navy will commission its first indigenous Anti-Submarine Warfare Shallow Water Craft (ASW-SWC), named Arnala, on June 18, 2025, at the Naval Dockyard in Visakhapatnam. The commissioning ceremony will be led by General Anil Chauhan, Chief of Defence Staff, highlighting a significant advancement in India’s naval capabilities and its commitment to the Aatmanirbhar Bharat defense manufacturing vision.
Designed and built by Garden Reach Shipbuilders & Engineers (GRSE) in partnership with L&T Shipbuilders under a Public-Private Partnership model, Arnala is a 77.6-meter-long vessel with a gross tonnage exceeding 1,490 tonnes. It is specially equipped for sub-surface surveillance, search and rescue operations, and low-intensity maritime missions, with the distinction of being the largest Indian naval warship propelled by a diesel engine-waterjet combination, optimized for effective operations in coastal and littoral waters.
Arnala’s commissioning represents a strategic shift towards greater indigenous development in the Indian Navy’s fleet, moving away from earlier challenges faced with Soviet-era Petya III-class vessels that were prone to corrosion and required frequent maintenance. This modern, domestically produced craft enhances the Navy’s operational readiness and long-term sustainability.
Equipped with a state-of-the-art combat management system, Arnala can conduct full-scale sub-surface surveillance, anti-submarine warfare, and coordinated attack missions alongside naval aircraft. Its offensive capabilities include lightweight torpedoes and anti-submarine warfare rockets, strengthening India’s defense posture against underwater threats in the critical Indian Ocean Region.
The induction of Arnala underscores the Indian Navy’s ongoing efforts to bolster coastal security and anti-submarine warfare strength, aligning with national priorities of technological innovation, strategic autonomy, and self-sufficiency in defense production.